KIKE THREATENS TO FLOOD USA WITH DRUGS, RAPISTS







Zionist Plot to Take Over the Mexican Presidency

By Ernesto Cienfuegos, La Voz de Aztlan

Los Angeles, Alta California - September 7, 2004 - (ACN) There is today a well funded Zionist plot to take over "Los Pinos" (Mexican White House). The nation of Mexico, the second largest world producer of oil during the past four months, is today in imminent danger of being taken over by an International Jewish Cabal led by Mexico's former Secretary of Foreign Relations George Gutman. Mr. Gutman, known in Mexico as Jorge Castaneda, and his fellow conspirators are today working full time to control the outcome of the presidential elections of 2006. George Gutman has declared himself an independent candidate to replace President Vicente Fox Quesada when Fox's term of office expires in two years.

The first unmistakable sign of the Zionist plot came one month after the WTC/Pentagon terrorist attacks on 9-11-01 when, on Wednesday October 10, two Israelis were arrested inside the Palacio Legislativo de San Lázaro (Mexican Congress) in Mexico City with handguns, grenades and explosives. One of the Israelis, Saur Ben Zvi, was holding a "fake passport" and the other, Sal Guersson Smecke, was a Colonel in the Israeli Defense Forces and a presumed MOSSAD agent.

The Zionist plot to blow up the Mexican Congress was foiled through sheer luck and it briefly made "headlines" on the news networks of Mexico. The major news story, however, suddenly died and nothing on the incident was ever heard again. The two Israelis were soon released through high level interventions of the Israeli Embassy in Mexico City and the then Jewish Mexican Secretary of Foreign Relations George Gutman who is now a candidate for the presidency of Mexico. One can only imagine the political ramifications in Mexico if the Israeli agents had been successful in their terrorist mission. Was this attempt to blow up the Palacio Legislativo de San Lázaro part of a much bigger plan? Was the mission's principal goal to help propel George Gutman into the Mexican presidency?

To help answer these and other relevant questions, it is necessary to review some recent Mexican presidential history. The electoral victory of President Vicente Fox in 2000 was, as informed Mexicans know, engineered by George Gutman himself through his Grupo San Angel. The powerful and extremely influential "Think Tank" Grupo San Angel was founded by George Gutman in 1994 and it regularly met at his home to plot the demise of the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI political party) that had held the presidency for 72 years. The membership of Grupo San Angel consisted of wealthy Mexican Jews, the academic "intelligentsia", powerful union bosses, industrialists and a host of up and coming members of the Mexican political class.

The half brother of George Gutman, the Venezuelan Jew Andrés Rosenthal Gutman was a member of Grupo San Angel as well as Vicente Fox and his now wife and present "First Lady" Marta Sahagún. Another member was the much hated leader of the country's largest union "Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación" (SNTE) and accused assassin Elba Esther Gordillo. Elba Esther Gordillo is the stereotypical "malinchista". As the present Congressional Secretary of the PRI, she has betrayed her own party and has endorsed George Gutman for president of Mexico in 2006. Elba Esther Gordillo has come out publically that one of her greatest heroines is the Jewess Madeline Albright.

Another member of the Grupo San Angel was the Mexican Jew Lino Korrodi. Lino Korrodi was the National Finance Manager for the Vicente Fox presidential campaign and funneler of U.S. Zionist funds to the campaign. Lino Korrodi engineered a very sophisticated scheme to funnel vast amounts of funds from U.S Zionist interests to the "Alianza por el Cambio" (Alliance for Change) and "Amigos de Fox" (Friends of Fox) campaign organizations. The scheme involved Zionist political action committees to make deposits in U.S. banks that included, among others, Citibank of New York and US/Mexico border banks such as the Laredo National Bank and the Bank of West El Paso. Lino Korrodi was the intermediary between Vicente Fox and George Gutman's vast Jewish connections in Wall Street and New York City.

It can be argued that the election of Vicente Fox was a mere first step in a final Zionist assault on the Mexican presidency. The money from U.S. Zionist interests had strings attached. In return, Fox appointed a large number of Mexican Jews to top cabinet level government positions. One of these appointments created major problems for President Fox. It was the appointment of George Gutman (aka Jorge Castaneda) as Secretary of Foreign Relations. George Gutman sabotaged Mexico's foreign relations and destroyed, on behalf of the USA, Mexico's historical friendly relations with Cuba. At one point, the majority of the Mexican Congress demanded his resignation after being accused of "entreguismo" or of "selling out" to U.S. interests and he was finally ousted.

La Voz de Aztlan believes that Zionists have already created the economic and political conditions for a takeover of the Mexican presidency in 2006. On October, 2003 a high level symposium in Mexico took place. The symposium titled, "Mexico-Israel: Political Perspectives" was sponsored by the Friends of Tel Aviv University, Bank Leumi and the Central Committee of the Jewish Community of Mexico. Shlomo Ben Ami, Israel`s former Foreign Minister; and George Gutman, Mexicos former Foreign Minister, participated. One of the subjects of discussion was the infiltration of the Mexican federal government.

Though George Gutman is presently trailing other Mexican candidates for president, persistent fears exist that the Zionist may perpetrate a sinister event to change the situation. Zionists have a wretched reputation of staging terrorist events which they then use to their political advantage. The attempted terrorist attack on the Mexican Congress on October 10, 2001 is just one example. They also have no aversion to carry out political assassinations to eliminate potential adversaries.

George Gutman would be a disaster for Mexico. The fact that he chose New York City to first announce his candidacy for the presidency of Mexico speaks volumes of who this character really is. As a professor at New York University, he has too much loyalty to US Jewry and Israel and his ultimate purpose is to get his hands on PEMEX for the Zionists. Why does this man not speak about Mexico's huge debilitating interest payments on the huge external debt it has to pay Jewish bankers?

His proposal to turn Baja California into a huge gambling casino also unveils this man's thinking. If this ever came to pass, Mexico would have a difficult time keeping the Russian Jewish Mafia at bay. Ensenada would be like Havana, Cuba before [another Kike, actually] Dr. Fidel Castro Ruz cleaned it up.

His first campaign stunt also says a lot of what he really thinks of the indigenous people of Mexico. In July, Gutman went on a caravan to visit a number of Mexican states. He called his personal bus in the caravan "El Gueromovil" and calls himself "El Guero". "El Guero" in Spanish means "the blonde one". Most real Mexicans are not "guero" but have brown, tan or olive complexions.

Mexicans must keep a very close eye on George "El Guero" Gutman. Between now and the Mexican presidential elections of 2006, his every move must be watched. Mexico can not afford to ever give this "tipo" any chance to attain political power again.



My Cousin, the Foreign Minister

Two sisters, Shulamit and Naomi Guttman, left Lithuania at the beginning of the 1930s. One ended up on kibbutz and gave birth to Benny Avni, who is today an Israeli journalist. The other settled in Latin America and had a son named Jorge Castaneda, currently the foreign minister of Mexico

Benny Avni, Haaretz, Aug 29, 2002

NEW YORK - The secret is always to stay in contact with reality, says Jorge Castaneda, the foreign minister of Mexico. We were on the subway from Manhattan to Queens. Making a quick calculation, he said he hadn't been on the subway for two years, since he had taught political science and Latin American studies at New York University. We had decided to dispense with the services of his chauffeur, based on the irrefutable fact that it's easier to get to Shea Stadium, home of the New York Mets baseball team, by subway than by car.

The reality in which Castaneda finds himself today is, of course, very different from that of the majority of subway riders. How many of them, for example, have had the privilege of being labeled "diabolic and sinister" by Cuban ruler Fidel Castro? Castaneda has made a few personal changes in his life recently. His separation from his wife in favor of a well-known television star stirred a furor in the Mexican media. Even the fact that he shaved off the beard that had graced his face for nearly his entire adult life was important enough for a poll to be conducted among the correspondents who cover the Foreign Ministry in Mexico. Two-thirds of them said they prefer him with a beard. Just one more bit of proof that they don't like me, Castaneda says with a smile.

As one of the architects of the "Fox revolution," which shook the Mexican establishment to the foundations, he has more than enough enemies at home. But the election of Vicente Fox as Mexico's president, in 2000, drew applause from the world press and generated amazingly favorable profiles of both the new president and the foreign minister in The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times, among other major media outlets. I read the articles with special curiosity, because Jorge Castaneda is my cousin, though I did not meet him until we were both in our thirties. Beyond conversations about international policy and politics, beyond family gossip, shopping trips and baseball games, I found in him many traits of the kind that have always interested me. Not only is he capable of providing a fascinating geopolitical analysis, he is also capable of staying afloat until the last dregs of whiskey in the bottle are drained. That is a talent I have always admired and another reason for cataloging Castaneda as one of the "good guys." Readers who are looking for objective evaluations of the foreign minister of Mexico are, of course, invited to refer to other sources.

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), a political force with a name that embodies an internal contradiction, ruled in Mexico since quashing a decade of revolutions and civil wars 80 years ago. Even though Mexico held elections in which additional parties also took part during this period, the PRI remained in power for 71 years - like the Communist Party in the former Soviet Union. Castaneda, who for years built himself a reputation as one of the most important intellectuals in the political left of Latin America, consistently attacked the government.

More than a decade ago, together with friends on the continent, he established a group that opposed the corruption of the regimes, and sought a left-wing alternative that would lead Latin America to greater political openness and democratic change. One day the governor of a northern state in Mexico asked why he was never invited to take part in the political meetings of the group. The problem, Castaneda and his colleagues told the governor, one Vicente Fox, was that he belonged to the National Action Party (PAN), which traditionally had been allied with the Catholic Church and other rightist bodies.

"Try me," he challenged them. Castaneda, who was tired of running left-wing candidates who had no prospect of being elected, began to work with Fox. The chemistry between them was of the kind that is reserved to people who do not tread water politically and are not attached to outdated definitions of left and right.

Before being elected president, Fox was the managing director of the Mexican branch of the Coca-Cola company, a firm that in the eyes of many on the left is the very embodiment of American imperialism. The left-wing voters in Mexico - a force to be reckoned with - viewed Castaneda's alliance with Fox as a kind of seal of approval, which made it possible for them to cast their votes for him. From there, the road to the convincing victory over the PRI was short, and a new chapter began in Mexican history. On the stagnant left, there were those who expressed disappointment in Castaneda, while on the right, there was some disappointment in Fox. The hope of both men is that the public will judge them more positively than the central committees of their parties.

Castaneda's father, who was also named Jorge, was part of the old establishment. As foreign minister in the 1970s, his policy laid the emphasis on Mexican independence, and he gave Latino unity precedence over relations with the huge neighbor to the north. The attitude of his son, the present foreign minister, toward the United States has undergone changes in the past few years. A case in point is his approach to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which was signed by Bill Clinton at the outset of his first term as president and by the former Mexican president. In contrast to Fox, who was an ardent supporter of the agreement, Castaneda was apprehensive of exploitation and of excessive dependence by Mexico on the American economy. His basic position has not changed. "I am not sure that NAFTA was such a good idea," he says. "But it doesn't matter any more whether it is a good idea or a bad idea. Today it is a fact."

Reality forces conceptual realignments.

Castaneda today supports an idea that is also gaining adherents in Washington: "NAFTA Plus," referring to the tightening of relations with the American economy, but in a way that will ensure greater justice for Mexico's workers and inject more investments in the country. "My opinion is not important," he says. "What is important is that Mexico has changed and the world has changed."

In the early 1980s, long before the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, Castaneda traveled to Vileika in Lithuania, to try to find out what happened to Sarah and Benjamin Guttman, his mother's parents, under the Nazi occupation. He was unable to discover whether the German invaders had shot the affluent lumber merchant and his wife after local residents pointed them out, or whether Lithuanians themselves had decided to do away with the elderly Jewish couple (a scenic photograph of the village, which Castaneda bought on that trip, hangs on the wall of my study at home). The two daughters of Sarah and Benjamin Guttman, Shulamit ("Mifa") and her younger sister Naomi ("Oma"), had left the town 10 years earlier. As girls, the two sisters, prodded by their parents, joined Zionist youth movements. Mifa became a member of the left-wing Hashomer Hatza'ir; Oma of the right-wing Betar. Mifa, who became enamored of the romanticism of Zionist bonfires and Hebrew songs with Russian rhythms, joined Kibbutz Kfar Menachem.

Oma went to Belgium to study biology and afterward ended up in Latin America. Mifa married Abraham and gave birth to three children, of whom I am the youngest. Oma married Leon Rozental, a Jewish diplomat from Venezuela, with whom she had a son, Andres, who is the same age as my brother, Ran. Oma spoke perfect English, Russian, Spanish and French, and was less fluent in other languages. She also remembered a lot of Hebrew from her parents' home, though she never made a big deal of this. Her mastery of languages led her to the United Nations, where she established the system of simultaneous translation. Some years later, she divorced Rozental and married a member of the Mexican Foreign Ministry, Jorge Castaneda. Their son, Jorge, who is my age, was born 49 years ago, followed by a daughter, Marina.

Jorge grew up in a cosmopolitan world; even though he knew he was half-Jewish, that fact had little influence on his life. His father was Mexican, and his mother deliberately distanced herself from her Jewishness. The Jewish community in Mexico has been making efforts to draw closer to the foreign minister, but the Jews in Mexico are a community with little influence or political presence. "In order to protect the wealth of the community, they decided to maintain a low profile," Castaneda says. "But that is starting to change."

Five members of President Fox's cabinet, an unprecedented number, have Jewish ties of one sort or another. Castaneda himself has never concealed his origin, and as is customary in Latin America, he also uses his mother's maiden name, Guttman, as part of his name. In addition, he decided at an early age to take the first letter of his surname as a middle initial, in order to set himself apart from his father. He signs his name "Jorge G. Castaneda."

The fact that the left in Latin America has traditionally been an opponent of Israeli policy has never been translated into flagrant anti-Semitism, Castaneda says. Incidents such as the attacks on the Israeli embassy and the Jewish community center in Buenos Aires "are derived more from external sources, not from within the Argentine society," he maintains. On the other hand, the fact that a large number of leaders in Latin America are of Arab origin has no effect on their attitude toward the Jews in their country, or even on their approach to the events in the Middle East. Most of the Arabs with influence in Brazil, Argentina and other countries in Latin America are of Lebanese extraction, he says, and they are well integrated into their new communities.

Because we were born and raised in distant continents, Jorge and I never met until our mid-thirties, in New York. But it was more than the geographical remoteness that separated us. In the mid-1960s, Jorge's father was appointed Mexico's ambassador to the Egypt of Gamal Abdel Nasser. So I became one of the few who truly had a cousin on the Arab side of the Middle Eastern equation. During this period, my mother met with her sister several times in Europe, usually in Switzerland, and described the meetings to me in detail, though she did not have much to relate about my cousin, who was given the diminutive nickname Jorgito, in order to distinguish him from his father.

Once, after her husband had completed his tour of duty in Egypt, Oma and her daughter, Marina, visited us on the kibbutz. My aunt, whom I met on many occasions afterward, impressed me with her boundless energy and with a dictum that has remained with me ever since: "Every person should contribute something to the world around him." Her politics was socialist and Third-World oriented, with much compassion for the wretched of the earth. She herself, though, was part of the cosmopolitan high society.

My mother admired her sister's expensive jewelry and objets d'art, some of which found their way to our house. She spoke with longing about a convertible that whizzed along the winding roads of the Swiss Alps. In the kibbutz of the 1960s - in which my mother was called "princess" behind her back, but in the final analysis was an equal among equals - Aunt Oma fired my imagination as a boy. As I grew up I was influenced by the American pop philosophy of Bob Dylan and Jack Kerouac. My cousin studied Che Guevara and the radical left in Latin America and Europe. In the years when I did my army service, he was a student at the Sorbonne. A few years later, I came across his name in Newsweek and other international magazines.

Slowly but surely, he prepared himself for the life that would take him to the highest rungs of political thought in Latin America and, inevitably, into politics. What he remembers today from his boyhood period in Egypt is "poverty, backwardness, weakness, disorganization, chaos." Egypt was one of the countries that had "only begun to emerge as a modern state," he observes, adding, "Cairo is not New York." His impression was that Israel felt it was surrounded by powerful, aggressive neighbors. From his experience, he knows that these countries, like Egypt, were "less powerful, less aggressive and less threatening than many in Israel thought."

The results of the wars between the two countries show that he was right, he says: The threat to Israel was smaller than it was depicted at the time. "In any event," he notes, "less than 10 years after Nasser's death, the issue was settled in the Camp David accords of 1977."

The conclusion he drew from this about the Middle East conflict: "Nothing is written in stone. The conflict may go on forever, but positions change." Israeli diplomacy is not thrilled by the positions taken by Mexico, which has been a member of the UN Security Council since the beginning of this year. The speeches delivered by Mexico's ambassador to the UN, Adolfo Aguilar Zinser, reflect sharp criticism of Israeli policy. Zinser, who previously held the post of adviser to the president on national security and is considered a rival of Castaneda's for the ear of President Fox, enjoys considerable autonomy at the UN.

Castaneda furnishes only general principles as guidelines. The position he has formulated on the Middle East conflict stems from the need to strike a balance: condemnation of the suicide bombers, condemnation of Israel's invasion of the territories; a Palestinian state that will coexist alongside the State of Israel within secure borders; Mitchell, Tenet and the other agreements. Castaneda fought to have Mexico become a member of the Security Council in order to extricate the country from its local "shell" and to accord it international status. Mexico has a contribution to make even with regard to a remote conflict, such as the one in the Middle East, he believes. "In Latin America, there is a tradition of resolving conflicts by means of negotiations." However, he is aware that there have been many attempts at negotiation in the Middle East, too, and that many of them have not succeeded.

Jorge Castaneda is not a politician who likes to go around kissing babies in election campaigns. He is an articulator of platforms and ideas who, since his childhood, has been familiar with the intrigues and internecine struggles in the world's corridors of power.

His critics say he is too blunt and outspoken to be a diplomat, or perhaps even a true diplomat. Some of his admirers also agree with that description. His aspiration to place Mexico at the center of international activity has encountered fierce resistance domestically. In his first appearance before the Mexican Senate, in the week after September 11, he had to fend off countless interruptions and criticism, leveled mainly by legislators from the PRI, which still controls the legislature. The next day, however, even the less sympathetic press had no choice but to admit that his appearance and his sharp replies were convincing.

Whenever I mention his name to Latino interlocutors, without pointing out that he is my cousin, their almost instinctive reaction is that he is a "smart man." His intellect, say critics and sympathizers alike, is his strongest political weapon. I found the same response in Havana, during a visit I made there a year ago. People there were familiar with a few of Castaneda's books, especially the early ones, which offered a political analysis of the radical left in Latin America. However, no one in Cuba had ever heard of his latest best-seller, "Companero: The Life and Death of Che Guevara," which was published in 1997 (English translation: Vintage Books, 1998).

The biography, which drew enthusiastic reviews in the United States, appeared at a time of sudden renewed world interest in Ernesto Guevara, the revolutionary who became a legend. For Castaneda, writing the book was a return to a boyhood idol, and to some extent, also a farewell to the idealism of those years. The book is a thoroughly researched study that sheds new light on that era in the politics of the Western Hemisphere. The book was banned in Cuba because it implies that Castro himself bears a certain responsibility for Guevera's murder in the mountains of Bolivia, where he was trying to export the Cuban revolution.

The friendship between Mexico and communist Cuba was for many years far too close for the liking of the U.S. As foreign minister, Castaneda pere was among the statesmen who consolidated and deepened those ties, much to the consternation of the Americans and the delight of the Mexicans. His son, though, has taken a very different line. During the recent visit to Cuba by President Fox and Foreign Minister Castaneda, it was plain that the previously close relations were under a heavy cloud. In his speech, Fox emphasized the gloomy state of human rights in Cuba, to the dissatisfaction of the omnipotent ruler.

Relations between Mexico and the U.S. now rest, in part, on a deep personal friendship between the presidents of the two countries. Fox and George Bush achieved their positions of power at exactly the same historical moment. Bush was the governor of Texas, which has a common border with Mexico, and during his campaign, he took pride in his knowledge of Spanish and the relations he had forged with the neighbor to the south. After he took office, Bush invited Fox to visit his private ranch in Texas and made a reciprocal visit to Fox's private ranch in Mexico.

The rapprochement with the U.S. and the cooling off in relations with Cuba brought about a diplomatic incident at an international meeting held last spring at Monterey, Mexico. Contrary to habit, Fidel Castro delivered a very short speech, in which he grumbled that the hosts of the conference were trying to expel him in order to prevent a meeting between him and President Bush, who was due to arrive a few hours later. Fox denied that he tried to prevent Castro from taking full part in the meeting.

A few weeks later, relations between the Fox administration and Castro reached the brink of explosion, when Mexico decided to change its traditional vote at the annual session of the UN human rights conference at Geneva. Mexico's decision to vote against Castro tipped the scales, and the conference condemned Havana's human rights record for the first time since its founding. In reaction, Castro made public a private telephone conversation he had with Fox, which implied that Fox had, in fact, sought to prevent a diplomatic incident between Castro and Bush at the conference in Monterey. Castaneda responded in interviews in which he warned that such a flagrant violation of diplomatic etiquette would lead to a situation in which no one would want to hold private conversations with the Cuban leader. Castro did not take this lying down and blasted the Mexican foreign minister as "diabolic and sinister."

Castaneda has taken advantage of the personal rapport between Fox and Bush, as well as ties that he himself has formed in Washington (he is close friends with Secretary of State Colin Powell and with National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice) to promote a plan that will grant millions of Mexican workers in the U.S. the status of guest workers. The Mexican workers help to fuel the American economy, mainly in the border states, but also in places like New York, where you can hardly find a restaurant that doesn't have Mexican employees.

The negotiations toward conferring a legal status and recognized rights on the low-paid Mexicans, who send much of their pay to their families back home, were at their height in the period before September 11. Since then, the U.S. administration has changed its priorities, to the great frustration of Fox and his aides. Nevertheless, Castaneda says, "Bush is still the best friend Mexico has in Washington." Within Mexico, Fox has introduced far-reaching changes. Upon his election as president, he found a country that was riddled with corruption at every level.

In my first visit to Mexico, at the beginning of the 1990s, I discovered that the drivers had no fear of getting traffic tickets, because every policeman was willing to accept a small bribe. The Fox regime launched a campaign to root out corruption - including television spots calling on citizens not to pay bribes. In the past few weeks, the administration, in an unprecedented move, has begun to open the secret records of the previous governments. An inquiry has also been started into the fate of the "disappeared ones" - political opponents of the regime who vanished in the 1970s and 1980s. That could turn out to be a painful investigation, but a necessary one, which will constitute another stage in Mexico's transformation into a country that even the youthful Jorge Castaneda would have been able to call a true democracy.

As we watch the ballgame in Shea Stadium in Queens, the foreign minister's cellular phone occasionally rings. The vote on the establishment of the International Criminal Court is schedule for this evening. The U.S., isolated in the Security Council because of its opposition to the court, has proposed a compromise solution. Mexico, an ardent supporter of the new court, has to decide whether to agree to the American idea. After France states that it accepts the compromise, Castaneda knows that there is no more to be done. The compromise passes unanimously.

Mexico has a very long border with the U.S., and the trade relations between the two countries are important to both of them. But Mexico is also part of what's known in the U.S. as "the rest of the world" - the global entity that does not necessarily agree with every decision made by the world's only superpower.

Like that of every foreign minister - and perhaps even more so, because of the physical proximity - the continued career of Jorge Castaneda depends to some degree on his ability to maneuver between these two poles. His ambitions are not limited to his present post. He has never denied the possibility that he will contest the presidency following the six-year term of Vicente Fox. And to judge by his accomplishments so far, there is no reason to write off his prospects of becoming the next president of Mexico.

http://www.haaretz.com/my-cousin-the-foreign-minister-1.35609e



Jorge Castañeda Gutman Mexican people of Belarusian-Jewish descent

Castañeda was born in Mexico City. His father was Jorge Castañeda y Álvarez de la Rosa who served as Secretary of Foreign Affairs (1979–1982), during the administration of José López Portillo.

He received the French Baccalauréat from the Lycée Franco-Mexicain in Mexico City. Then after receiving his B.A. from Princeton University and a Ph.D. in Economic History from the University of Paris (Panthéon-La Sorbonne) he worked as a professor at several universities, including the National Autonomous University of Mexico, the University of California, Berkeley, Princeton University, New York University, and the University of Cambridge. He was a Bernard Schwartz fellow at The New America Foundation.

He was married to Miriam Morales (a Chilean citizen) and he has one son, Jorge Andrés.

Among his books is Utopia Unarmed: The Latin American Left After the Cold War (Vintage Books, 1993), an assessment of leftist politics in Latin America. Its main theme is a shift from politics based on the Cuban Revolution to politics based on broad-based new social movements, from armed revolutions to elections. Another of Castañeda's well-known works is Companero: The Life and Death of Che Guevara.

Castañeda's political career began as a member of the Mexican Communist Party. In 1988 Vicente Fox appointed Castañeda as his Secretary of Foreign Affairs. In July 2003, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan appointed him to the United Nations Commission on the Private Sector and Development, which was co-chaired by Prime Minister Paul Martin of Canada and former President Ernesto Zedillo of Mexico.

On March 25, 2004, Castañeda officially announced his presidential campaign by means of a prime-time campaign advertisement carried in all major Mexican television stations. Castañeda presented himself as an independent "citizens' candidate", a move contrary to Mexico's electoral law that gives registered parties alone the right to nominate candidates for election. In 2004 Castañeda started to seek Court authorization to run in the country's 2006 presidential election without the endorsement of any of the registered political parties. In August 2005 the Supreme Court ruled against Castañeda's appeal. The ruling essentially put an end to Castañeda's bid to run as an independent candidate; however, soon after this ruling he took his case to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in order to defend his political rights; as of 2008, the case is pending before the IACHR.

He has published articles in Newsweek. In 2009, he published a theory about the 2009 dismissals by Raúl Castro, suggesting that Hugo Chávez was plotting a coup in Cuba due to concerns that Raul Castro would make concessions that would betray the Cuban Revolution. He has an article in the September–October 2010 issue of Foreign Affairs entitled "Not Ready for Prime Time". He also writes regularly for Project Syndicate.



Army general and head of the PGR releases two Israelis arrested with guns and explosives inside the Mexican Congress

Los Angeles, Alta California - October 15, 2001- (ACN) In a mind-blowing development, La Voz de Aztlan has learned that Mexican Army General Rafael Marcial Macedo de la Concha who heads the Procuraduría General de la República (Mexican Department of Justice) has released the retired Israeli Defense Forces colonel and presumed MOSSAD agent Salvador Guersson Smecke and Israeli illegal immigrant Saur Ben Zvi after both had penetrated the security of the Mexican Congress and were in possession of guns, hand grenades and explosives.

This morning La Voz de Aztlan had a personal telephone interview with the Mexican Congressional Press Secretary, Lic. Adriana Lopez, and verified the arrest of the two Israelis after they had entered through the highly secured front entrance of the Palacio Legislativo de San Lázaro. She stated to La Voz de Aztlan that the two terrorists had taken advantage of a situation that occurred around 1700 hours of Wednesday October 10 when a large contingent of Sugar Industry Unionists were entering through the metal detectors. The two Israelis followed about 50 of the unionists to the office of the President of the Mexican Congress Beatriz Paredes. The two Israelis were first pretending to be press photographers but called the attention of the sugar unionists because of their nervous and out of the ordinary behavior. About ten of the unionists confronted them and observed that they were carrying guns and and what looked to them to be explosives. They held the two Israelis until Official Congressional Security personnel took them into custody.

The head of Congressional Security Salvador Alarcón verified that the Israelis had in their possession nine hand grenades, sticks of dynamite, detonators, wiring and two 9mm "Glock" automatics.

Mexican Congressional Press Secretary Lic. Adriana Lopez informed La Voz de Aztlan in the telephone interview that Congressional Security then turned the terrorists Salvador Guersson Smecke, age 34, and Saur Ben Zvi, age 27, to the Procuraduría General de la República (Mexican Department of Justice) which is headed by Mexican Army General Rafael Marcial Macedo de la Concha. Initial reports by the Procuraduría General de la República (PGR) were that both Israelis worked for a private security agency and that they both had gun permits. It turned out that there is no connection of either suspect to any private security agency. The PGR has released the retired Israeli I.D.F. colonel with the official explanation that he had a legal permit to carry a gun. They also released the illegal Israeli immigrant on about $4000 bail and the case turned over to the Mexican immigration authorities. Mexican Congressional Press Secretary Lic. Adriana Lopez was surprised to hear from La Voz de Aztlan of the release of the two Israelis.

La Voz de Aztlan has also learned that the Israeli Embassy used heavy handed measures to have the two Israelis released. Very high level emergency meetings took place between Mexican Secretary of Foreign Relations Jorge Gutman, General Macedo de la Concha and a top Ariel Sharon envoy who flew to Mexico City specially for that purpose. Elías Luf of the Israeli Embassy worked night and day and their official spokeswoman Hila Engelhart went into high gear after may hours of complete silence. What went one during those high levels meetings no ones knows, but many in Mexico are in disbelief at their release. Guns and any kind of explosive is highly illegal for Mexican citizens and the fact that these two Israelis had them inside the Mexican Congress makes their release highly suspect. What is really going on? Jorge Gutman, the Mexican Foreign Secretary, has very strong Zionist connections and himself is of Jewish descent. Mexican Army General Macedo de la Concha has strong connections to the U.S. Military Industrial-Complex and through this to the Israeli Defense Forces. Have any of these connections influenced the decision to release the two Zionist terrorists?

The initial arrests of the two Israelis inside the Palacio Legislativo de San Lázaro made top news on Mexico City television and radio on the evening of 10 October 2001. TV Azteca had extensive coverage on the first night and on the following day. La Cronica de Hoy Newspaper and El Universal Newspaper both covered the incident the following two days but now it seems that there is a lack of reports. The PGR has a Press Bulletin on their official website [Link dead July 2015: http://www.pgr.gob.mx/cmsocial/bol01/oct/b69701.html] but they have made no updates. No U.S. media has made no mention, that we know of. Pravda of Moscow has a note of the initial La Voz de Aztlan article here [http://www.pravdareport.com/news/russia/13-10-2001/34472-0/].

What were the Israelis up to? We think we know. The Vicente Fox government has been very careful of involving Mexico in a war against Islam. The Mexican population as well as the two major opposition political parties, the PRI and the PRD will not allow it. President Bush and the U.S. Zionists want Mexico fully involved in the war principally because if things get tough in the middle east and the oil rich Arabs leave the coalition, the U.S. military machine is going to need alternative sources of oil and PEMEX is just across the border. We believe that the two Zionists terrorist were going to blow up the Mexican Congress. The second phase was to mobilize both the Mexican and US press to blame Osama bin Laden. Most likely then Mexico would declare war on Afghanistan as well, commit troops and all the oil it could spare to combat `Islamic terrorism.



Ernesto Cienfuegos: Zionist Terrorists Arrested Inside Mexican Congress

13.10.2001 | Pravda.Ru

Los Angeles, Alta California - October 12, 2001 - (ACN) We were alerted this morning by a subscriber from Mexico that two Israelis were arrested Wednesday inside the Palacio Legislativo de San Lбzaro (Mexican Congress) in Mexico City. Both were armed with 9 mm automatics and one was carrying a military hand grenade, electrical wiring and other bomb related materials. The Israeli Embassy at Sierra Madre 2155, colonia Lomas de Chapultepec has close its doors to the Mexican Press and are refusing to talk. The incident has been independently verified by La Voz de Aztlan through Mexican diplomatic, press and other sources in Mexico City.The Chief of Legislative Security, Salvador Alarcun, has also confirmed the arrest of the two Israeli terrorists. One of them Saur Ben Zvi is a confirmed citizen of Israel and the other, Salvador Guersson, recently immigrated to Mexico from Israel. It is has been determined by the Procuradurнa General de la Repъblica (Mexican Department of Justice) that Guersson is a retired Colonel of the Israeli Defense Forces and that he may now be operating as a MOSSAD agent. It is not known how they were able to penetrate the extensive security system of the Mexican Legislative Palace. This is a very grave incident with many serious international implications. Many have questioned who may be really behind many of the recent terrorist acts around the world including the ones against the WTC and the Pentagon. The Mexican public and congress has been reticent about declaring war against Islam along with the U.S. It is possible that an act of terrorism against the Mexican Congress was planned in order to "terrorize" Mexico into towing the line against Islam. La Voz de Aztlan will be on top of this developing story to report any additional developments.



I'd avoid all the speculation about motives, and the unnecessary stuff in those articles about praising Castro, and portraying Muz and Saudis as innocent victims oy vey, and so on. Stuff like that distracts readers from the basic facts: A month after US 9/11, Israelis in Mexican parliament building with bombs and guns. No consequences.

And the Haaretz article I posted above, boating that Fox was put in power by Kikes, had the most Kikes in his cabinet than ever in Mexican history, and the foreign minister was the Belorussian Kike who is now threatening to flood the USA with drugs, criminals and "refugees".

And regarding false flag attacks, the BBC documentary about the USS Liberty:

"USS Liberty: Dead In The Water" (BBC Documentary 2002)



On June 8th, 1965, during the Six-Day War, Israel attacked and nearly sank the USS Liberty belonging to its closest ally, the USA. Thirty-four American servicemen were killed and over 170 wounded in the two-hour assault by Israeli warplanes and torpedo boats.

Israel claimed that the whole affair had been a tragic accident based on mistaken identification of the ship. The American government accepted the explanation. For more than 30 years many people have disbelieved the official explanation but have been unable to rebut it convincingly.

Now, "Dead in the Water" uses startling new evidence to reveal the truth behind the seemingly inexplicable attack. The film combines dramatic reconstruction of the events, with new access to former officers in the US and Israeli armed forces and intelligence services who have decided to give their own version of events. Interviews include President Lyndon Johnson's Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, former head of the Israeli navy, Admiral Shlomo Errell, and members of the USS Liberty crew.

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卍心の智

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