Republic of Rhodesia Roundel

Rhodesian Flag 1968 to 1979


Rhodesia's Prime Minister, Ian Smith, unilaterally declared independence from the United Kingdom on 11 November 1965. Britain and the United Nations responded by imposing economic sanctions on Rhodesia.

Two rival Communist-backed Negro nationalist groups initiated terror campaigns to overthrow the government and force Negro rule: the Chinese-aligned Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), mostly comprising Shonas, created the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) and adopted aspects of Maoist doctrine; while the Ndebele-dominated Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), aligned with Soviet-style Marxism–Leninism and the Warsaw Pact, mobilised the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA).

The Rhodesian Bush War began in earnest in December 1972, when ZANLA attacked Altena and Whistlefield Farms in north-eastern Rhodesia.

After the security forces mounted a successful counter-insurgency campaign during 1973 and 1974, developments overseas caused the conflict's momentum to shift in the terrorists' favour. The leftist Carnation Revolution of April 1974 caused Portugal to withdraw its key economic support for Smith's government; the following year, Portugal's overseas province of Mozambique, on Rhodesia's eastern frontier, became a Communist country, openly allied with ZANU. Around the same time, Rhodesia's other main backer, South Africa, adopted a détente initiative, forcing a ceasefire just as the security forces were pushing the guerrillas back.

Following the abortive Victoria Falls Conference of August 1975, Smith and the ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo held unsuccessful talks between December 1975 and March 1976.

ZANU and ZAPU announced in October 1976, during the run-up to the unsuccessful Geneva Conference in December, that they would henceforth attend conferences as a joint "Patriotic Front".

In March 1978, Smith and non-militant nationalist groups headed by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, the Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole and Chief Jeremiah Chirau agreed what became the "Internal Settlement". This created a transitional government, with the country due to be reconstituted as Zimbabwe-Rhodesia in June 1979, pursuant to multiracial elections. ZANU and ZAPU were invited to participate, but refused; Nkomo sardonically dubbed Smith's Negro colleagues "the blacksmiths". ZANU proclaimed 1978 to be "The Year of the People" as the war continued. Officials from Muzorewa's United African National Council, sent to the provinces to explain the Internal Settlement to rural Negroes, were killed by Communist terrorists.

The terrorists also began to target Christian missionaries, climaxing in the killing of nine British missionaries and four children at Elim Mission near the Mozambican border on 23 June.

The transitional government was badly received abroad, partly because Rhodesian whites were determined to keep control of law enforcement and the military even following the introduction of black rule in parliament. No country—not even South Africa, despite its continued support—recognised Rhodesia's interim administration.

Smith again worked to bring Nkomo into the government, hoping this would lend it some credence domestically, prompt diplomatic recognition overseas, and help the security forces defeat ZANLA. Starting on 14 August 1978, he attended secret meetings with Nkomo in Lusaka, Zambia (where ZAPU was based), doing so with the assistance of the mining corporation Lonrho. Attempts were made to also involve the ZANU leader Robert Mugabe, but Mugabe would have no part in the talks.

According to South African military historian Jakkie Cilliers, negotiations between Smith and Nkomo progressed well and "seemed on the verge of success" by the start of September 1978. On 2 September, Smith and Nkomo revealed publicly that the secret meetings had taken place.

Rhodesian air traffic was not seriously threatened until about 1977, in the latter stages of the war; before this time, neither Communist terrorist force had the weapons to launch a viable attack against an aerial target. The weapon that made such attacks feasible for ZIPRA was the Strela 2 shoulder-launched surface-to-air missile launcher, supplied by the Soviet Union from the mid-1970s as part of the Warsaw Pact's materiel support. By September 1978, there had been 20 reported attempts to shoot down Rhodesian military aircraft using these weapons, none of which had been successful. Some Rhodesian Air Force Dakotas had been hit, but all had survived and landed safely. No civilian aircraft had yet been targeted during the Bush War.

Air Rhodesia was the country's national airline, established by the government on 1 September 1967 to succeed Central African Airways.

The Flight 825 aircraft was a Vickers Viscount 782D, a British-made turboprop aircraft, called the
Huyani. The Hunyani was on the second and final leg of its regular scheduled journey between Victoria Falls and Salisbury, stopping over in the resort town of Kariba. Despite the occasional rocket and mortar attacks launched on Kariba by ZIPRA guerrillas on the northern side of the Zambezi (in Zambia), the resort had endured as one of Rhodesia's choice tourist destinations. The flight on 3 September 1978, Sunday afternoon, from Kariba to Salisbury carried four crew members and 52 passengers, most of whom were holidaymakers from Salisbury, returning home after a weekend at the lake. The flight took off from Kariba Airport on schedule soon after 17:00 Central Africa Time.

Flight 825 was shot down soon after taking off from Kariba.
A group of ZIPRA terrorists, armed with a Strela 2 launcher, waited in the bush beneath Flight 825's flightpath, and fired on the Hunyani about five minutes after it took off, while the aircraft was still in the climb phase of its flight. The heat-seeking missile hit the plane's starboard wing and exploded, causing the inner engine to also explode. A fuel tank and hydraulic lines ruptured, creating a fire that the passengers and crew could not put out. The second starboard engine failed almost immediately, leaving Hood with only his two port engines. Heaving wildly, the Hunyani began to descend rapidly.

At 17:10 Captain Hood sent a distress call to air traffic control, informing them that he had lost the two starboard engines and was going to crash. "We're going in," he radioed. Telling his passengers to brace for an emergency landing, he aimed for an open field of cotton in the Whamira Hills, in the bush to the west of Karoi, intending to belly land the craft. The landing was relatively stable until the Hunyani hit a previously unseen ditch, cartwheeled and exploded. The remaining fuel tanks ruptured and caught fire, setting the wrecked cabin ablaze.

Of the 56 people on board, 38, including Hood and Beaumont, died in the crash. Eighteen survived, albeit with injuries, and climbed out of the wreckage. After briefly settling the others, one of the passengers, Dr Cecil MacLaren, led four others—young newlyweds Robert and Shannon Hargreaves, Mrs Sharon Coles, and her four-year-old daughter Tracey—off in the direction of a nearby village in the search of water. The other 13 remained close to the wreckage. Meanwhile, nine Nigger terrorists made their way towards the crash site, and reached it at about 17:45. Three of the 13 survivors remaining at the crash site hid on seeing figures approaching: Rhodesian Army reservist Anthony Hill, 39, took cover in the bush surrounding the crash site, while businessman Hans Hansen and his wife Diana did the same. This left 10 passengers in full view near the wreckage -- four men, four women, and including two girls, aged 4 and 11.

The terrorists, armed with AK-47 assault rifles, presented themselves to the 10 passengers as friendly, saying they would summon help and bring water. They spoke in English, both to the survivors and amongst themselves. They told the passengers to congregate around a point a few metres from the wreckage; when the survivors said that some of them were too badly injured to walk, the Niggers told the able-bodied men to carry the others. The passengers were assembled into an area of about 10 square metres (110 sq ft). Standing roughly 15 metres (49 ft) away, the Niggers murdered the Whites in a sustained burst of automatic gunfire.

Having collected water from the nearby village, MacLaren and his companions were almost back at the crash site when they heard the shots. Thinking it was personal ammunition in the luggage exploding in the heat, they continued on their way, and called out to the other passengers, who they thought were still alive. This alerted the Nigger terrorists to the presence of more survivors; one of the Niggers told MacLaren's group to "come here". The Niggerss then opened fire on the White survivors, but missed. MacLaren and the others fled. Hill and the Hansens also ran; they revealed their positions to the fighters in their haste, but successfully hid themselves behind a ridge. After Hill and the others had hidden there for about two hours, they saw the attackers return to the crash site at about 19:45. The Niggers looted the wrecked cabin and some of the suitcases strewn around the site, filled their arms with various passengers' belongings, and left.

The survivors were found over the following days by the Rhodesian Army and police. Hill and Mr and Mrs Hansen were taken to Kariba Hospital, while MacLaren and his group were airlifted to Andrew Fleming Hospital in Salisbury.

Nkomo claimed responsibility for the attack in an interview with BBC television on the evening of 3 September 1978, laughing as he did so, to the horror of most Rhodesian viewers, both Negro and White. He said that he had received intelligence that the Hunyani was being used for military purposes. Nkomo said he regretted the deaths as it was not his party's policy to kill civilians, and denied that his men had killed any survivors on the ground; by contrast, he said that his men had helped them, and had left them alive. According to Eliakim Sibanda, a professor and human rights speaker who wrote a history of ZAPU, Nkomo was implying that responsibility for the massacre actually lay with security forces -- specifically the mixed race Selous Scouts unit. Sibanda blames the massacre on the Scouts, and accuses the surviving eyewitnesses of lying.

A report published in the American magazine Time a fortnight later described the incident as "a genuine horror story, calculated to make the most alarming of Rhodesian doomsday prophecies seem true."

Though Rhodesian authorities did not immediately acknowledge the cause of the crash, doing so only after four days' investigation, the truth was common knowledge in Salisbury within hours. Smith wrote in his memoirs that the "degree of anger ... [was] difficult to control".

South African Whites were also enraged, particularly after reports appeared in the South African press that the killers had raped the female passengers before massacring them. A Friends of Rhodesia Society in South Africa offered a reward of R100,000 to anybody who would either kill Nkomo or bring him to Salisbury to stand trial.

Geoffrey Nyarota, a reporter at the Rhodesia Herald newspaper, says that many Whites became resentful and wary towards Negroes in general, believing them all to be "terrorist sympathisers". Describing the Herald newsroom the night of the incident, he writes of the "vile collective temper" amongst the White sub-editors: "They cursed until their voices became hoarse, threatening dire consequences for all terrs and munts or kaffirs ... I sensed that some of the more derogatory remarks made in unnecessarily loud voices that evening were meant specifically for my ears."

According to the Time article, a group of Whites entered an unsegregated Salisbury bar "fingering the triggers of rifles", and forced Negroes drinking there to leave. Time also reported a lie that two White youths, on learning of the massacre, shot the first male Negro they saw.

Smith says that several would-be vigilante groups sought his permission to venture into the bush around the crash site to "make the local people pay for their crime of harbouring and assisting the terrorists". He writes that he instructed them not to, telling them that many rural Negroes only assisted the terrorist Niggers under extreme duress, and that it would not do to attack them. Many Rhodesians also resented the apparent lack of sympathy emanating from overseas governments, especially considering the character of the attack and its civilian target.

The Anglican Cathedral of St Mary and All Saints in Salisbury was the location of the memorial service on 8 September 1978.
At a memorial service held on 8 September 1978 for Flight 825's passengers and crew at Salisbury's Anglican Cathedral, about 2,000 people crowded inside, with another 500 standing outside on the steps and pavement, many listening to the service inside on portable radio sets. Prominent amongst those present in the cathedral were uniformed Air Rhodesia and South African Airways personnel, as well as Rhodesian Special Air Service soldiers and senior officers from other military units. Smith and several government ministers also attended, including P.K. van der Byl, the co-minister of foreign affairs.

Dean John de Costa gave a sermon damning what he described as a "deafening silence" from overseas. "Nobody who holds sacred the dignity of human life can be anything but sickened at the events attending the Viscount," he said. "But are we deafened with the voice of protest from nations who call themselves civilised? We are not! Like men in the story of the Good Samaritan, they pass by on the other side ... The ghastliness of this ill-fated flight from Kariba will be burnt upon our memories for years to come. For others, far from our borders, it is an intellectual matter, not one which affects them deeply. Here is the tragedy!"

The talks between Smith and the ZAPU leader that had been progressing so promisingly were immediately halted by Salisbury. Smith called Nkomo a "monster".

Cilliers comments that the ending of the Smith–Nkomo talks at this time was "potentially the most serious result of the Viscount massacre", as the talks had been progressing well before the incident. He surmises that an agreement between the two "at this critical stage" might have helped the transitional Rhodesian government to secure international recognition.

On 10 September, the Prime Minister announced to the nation that certain areas of the country would be placed under a variation of martial law, which he said would be applied in particular regions as and when needed. He declared Rhodesia's intent to "liquidate the internal workings of those organisations associated with terrorism", and warned neighbouring countries to prepare for "any defensive strikes we might undertake" against guerrilla bases in their respective territories. He claimed that the war had escalated because Britain and the United States were supporting the Communist Patriotic Front.

Operation Snoopy; Rhodesia hits New Chimoio

Because ZAPU and ZIPRA were based in Zambia, many Rhodesian civilians clamoured for a massive retaliatory strike against terrorist targets in that country, but the first external target hit by the security forces following the Viscount shootdown was the prominent cluster of ZANLA bases around Chimoio in Mozambique. The Rhodesian military had struck these bases extensively in November 1977 during Operation Dingo, destroying much of the ZANLA presence there, but the insurgents had since built a complex called "New Chimoio", slightly to the east; the new camps were distributed across a far larger area than the originals. In a combined airborne-ground assault called Operation Snoopy, the Rhodesian Air Force, Rhodesian Light Infantry and Special Air Service wiped out much of New Chimoio on 20 September 1978. Communist Mozambique sent armour to ZANLA's aid in the form of nine Soviet-made T-54 tanks and four Soviet armoured cars, but the former were routed and the latter destroyed by the Rhodesian security forces. According to Rhodesian figures, there were "several hundred" guerrillas killed, while the security forces lost only two soldiers, one of whom was accidentally killed by a friendly air strike.

Operation Gatling; the "Green Leader" raid

Rhodesia then attacked ZIPRA's bases in Zambia, in what Peter Petter-Bowyer, a former Rhodesian Air Force pilot, writes was "payback time" for Flight 825. Operation Gatling, launched on 19 October 1978, was another joint-force operation between the Air Force and the Army, which contributed Special Air Service and Rhodesian Light Infantry paratroopers. Gatling's primary target was the previously White-owned Westlands Farm, just 16 kilometres (9.9 mi) north-east of central Lusaka. Renamed by the terrorists as "Freedom Camp", it had become ZIPRA's military headquarters and main training base. ZIPRA presumed that because the camp was so close to Lusaka, Rhodesia would never dare to attack it. About 4,000 terrorists underwent training at Freedom Camp, with senior ZIPRA staff also on site. Rhodesia's other targets were Chikumbi, 19 kilometres (12 mi) north of Lusaka, and Mkushi Camp; all three were to be attacked more or less simultaneously in a coordinated sweep across Zambia. The assault on targets deep inside Zambia was a first for the Rhodesian forces; previously only guerrillas near the border had been attacked.

Led by Squadron Leader Chris Dixon, who identified himself to Lusaka Airport tower as "Green Leader", the Rhodesian Air Force took control of the airspace over Zambia during the raid, informing the Zambian Air Force that the attack was against "Rhodesian dissidents, and not against Zambia", and that Rhodesian Hawker Hunters were circling the Zambian airfields under orders to shoot down any fighter that attempted to take off. The Rhodesian Air Force proceeded to use a Zambian airstrip, Rufansa, as a forward base. During the three-day assault, the Rhodesian military suffered only minor casualties, and afterwards claimed to have killed over 1,500 ZIPRA personnel, as well as some Cuban instructors.

The Rhodesian attacks on ZANLA and ZIPRA bases did much to restore White morale following the Viscount incident, though they had not actually made much impact on the respective Communist terror campaigns. Nkomo and the Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda all the same requested further military aid and better weapons from the Soviets and the British respectively. Martial law was quickly extended across Rhodesia's rural areas, and covered three quarters of the country by the end of 1978.

Air Rhodesia, meanwhile, began developing anti-Strela shielding for its Viscounts. Before this work was completed, ZIPRA shot down a second Viscount, Air Rhodesia Flight 827, on 12 February 1979. This time there were no survivors.

Following the second shootdown, Air Rhodesia created a system whereby the underside of the Viscounts would be coated with low-radiation paint, with the exhaust pipes concurrently shrouded. According to tests conducted by the Air Force, a Viscount so treated could not be detected by the Strela's targeting system once it was over 2,000 feet (610 m). There were no further Viscount shootdowns in Rhodesia.

In the elections held the following year under the Internal Settlement terms, boycotted by ZANU and ZAPU, Muzorewa won a majority, and became the first Prime Minister of the reconstituted state of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia on 1 June 1979. In December that year, the Lancaster House Agreement was agreed in London by Salisbury, the British government and the Patriotic Front, returning the country to its former colonial status. The UK government then, with Communist support, suspended the constitution and took direct control. New elections were won by Mugabe, who took power in April 1980, concurrently with the country's recognised independence as Zimbabwe.

A memorial to the victims of both Rhodesian Viscount incidents was erected on the grounds of the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria, South Africa in 2012. Dubbed the Viscount Memorial, it was inaugurated on 2 September that year. The names of the dead passengers and crew are engraved on two granite slabs that stand upright, side by side, the pair topped by an emblem symbolising an aircraft. A pole beside the memorial flies the Rhodesian flag.

The Rhodesian Air Force (RhAF)

The Republic of Rhodesia, 1970–1980

The air force consisted of 2,300 personnel, including 150 pilots.

Free Rhodesia was under constant attack from UK-USSR-USA-PRC-supported Communist Negro terrorists.

In spite of UN sanctions and active opposition from the UK, USSR, USA and PRC, Rhodesia managed to obtain, covertly, a small fleet of Rheims-Cessna 337's (known in Rhodesia as the Lynx), and SIAI Machetti SF260's (known in Rhodesia as the Genet (trainer version) and the Warrior (ground-attack version) piston engined aircraft, Bell 204 Iroquois' (HUEYs; obtain from the USA via Kikestan), and additional Aérospatiale Alouette III helicopters.

Drawing upon counter-insurgency experience gained in the Second World War, the Malayan Emergency and the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, and adapting more recent Israeli, South African and Portuguese tactics, the Republic of Rhodesia combined police Special Branch, army and air force units to fight the Bush War.

Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) guerrilla camps were razed by ‘Fireforce’ cross-border raids. Fireforce comprised units of Selous Scouts, an undercover tracker battalion of 1,500 troops on double pay (80% Negroes), a parachute infantry battalion and up to 200 Special Air Service commandos.

These forces were supported, in turn, by armoured transport columns, mobile field artillery, equestrian pursuit dragoons (Grey's Scouts), air force helicopter gunships and bomber squadrons (one newly equipped with 20 French-made Cessna Lynx low-altitude surveillance aircraft modified for precision ground attacks).

Fireforce gathered intelligence, disrupted guerrilla forces and seized enemy equipment. Of course The Kike's United Nations condemned the Fireforce raids.

Rhe Rhodesian Air Force had its own armoured car unit equipped with Eland 60s armed with 60 mm breech loading mortars.

RhAF Flying Squadrons
  • No. 1 Squadron, at Thornhill Air Force Base: 12 Hawker Hunter FGA.9's
  • No. 2 Squadron, at Thornhill Air Force Base: 8 Vampire FB.9's, 8 Vampire T.55
  • s, plus 13 Vampire FB.52's on loan from South Africa
  • No. 3 Squadron, at New Sarum Air Force Base: 13 Douglas C-47's, 1 Cessna 402, 6 BN-2A Islanders, 1 DC-7C's, 1 Baron
  • No. 4 Squadron, at Thornhill Air Force Base: 11 AL-60F5 Trojans, 21 Reims-Cessna FTB.337G's, 14 SF.260W's
  • No. 5 Squadron, at New Sarum Air Force Base: 8 EE Canberra B.2's, 2 EE Canberra T.4's
  • No. 6 Squadron, at Thornhill Air Force Base: 13 Percival Provost T.52's, 17 SF.260C's
  • No. 7 Squadron, at New Sarum Air Force Base: 6 Alouette II's, 34 Alouette III's
  • No. 8 Squadron, at New Sarum Air Force Base: 11 AB.205's


His Excellency, The Kike's whore, Comrade President General-Secretary Robert Mugabe, former nonorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath, Zimbabwe's Nigger-in-Chief, addresses the 67th session of the General Assembly of The Kike's United Nation(s), in Jew York, on the 26th day of September, 2012, eulogizing one of his pimps, The Kike Khaddafi:

"The warmongers of our world have done us enough harm. Wherever they have imposed themselves, chaos in place of peace has been the result"

"We have noticed, with deep regret, that the provisions of the United Nations Charter dealing with the peaceful settlement of disputes, have, on occasion, been ignored by the Security Council. In contrast, there appears to be an insatiable appetite for war, embargos, sanctions and other punitive actions [such as the actions The Kike's United Nations took against The Republic of Rhodesia until it was destroyed by The Kike], even on matters that are better resolved through multilateral cooperation. Instead of resorting to the peaceful resolution of disputes, we are daily witnessing a situation where might is now right."

"The United Nations, its specialized agencies, and international financial institutions, are the only insmmaents available for responding effectively to the global challenges we face in this global village."

"Allow me to conclude by reaffirming Zimbabwe's commitment to the principles that have brought us together in the United Nations for the last 67 years."

In 1994, Mugabe was appointed an honorary Knight Grand Cross in the Order of the Bath (GCB) by Queen Elizabeth II. The United Kingdom House of Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee called for the removal of this honour in 2003. In 2008, the Queen cancelled and annulled the honorary knighthood after advice from her Foreign Secretary, Kike David Milliband, Foreign Office Minister Lord Malloch Brown had previously insisted that the time was not right. Comrade Mugabe was the first foreigner to be stripped of an honorary knighthood since Romanian dictator, Comrade Nicolae Ceausescu, had been likewise dishonoured in 1989.

Mugabe has received the following great honours:
  • Honorary LLD degree, University of Edinburgh, 1984: "Honoured not only for his extraordinary intellectual discipline and energy but for those qualities of statesmanship which made him one of the great figures of modern Africa.”
  • Honorary LLD degree, University of Massachusetts, 1986: "Your gentle firmness in the face of anger, and your intellectual approach to matters which inflame the emotions of others, are hallmarks of your quiet integrity." ... "We salute you for your enduring and effective translation of a moral ethic into a strong, popular voice for freedom."
  • Honorary LLD degree, Michigan State University, 1990: "For his achievements as the president of Zimbabwe and for establishing a strong cooperative effort between MSU and the University of Zimbabwe."
  • Honorary LLD degree, Ahmadou Bello University
  • Honorary LLD degree, Morehouse College
  • Honorary LLD degree, University of Zimbabwe
  • Honorary LLD degree, St. Augustine's College
  • Honorary LLD degree, Lomonosov Moscow State University
  • Honorary LLD degree, Solusi University
  • Honorary D.Litt. degree, Africa University
  • Honorary D Civil Laws degree, University of Mauritius
  • Honorary D.Com. degree, University of Fort Hare
  • Honorary D.Tech. degree, National University of Science and Technology
  • Africa Prize for Leadership for the Sustainable End of Hunger, The Hunger Project: [Mugabe's agricultural programs] "pointed the way not only for Zimbabwe but for the entire African continent."
  • Honorary Order of Jamaica, Government of Jamaica: "In recognition of...his distinct leadership in the pursuit of freedom and human development throughout the African continent" (Kike Bruce Golding, Prime Minister of Jamaica

In 2012, Mugabe was appointed "Leader of Tourism" by The Kike's United Nation(s).

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